Dhaka, Bangladesh – Sinthia Mehrin Sokal remembers the blow to her head on July 15 final 12 months when she, together with hundreds of fellow college students, marched throughout a protest in opposition to a controversial quota system in authorities jobs in Bangladesh’s capital, Dhaka.
The assault by an activist belonging to the scholar wing of the then-Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League social gathering left Sokal – a final-year pupil of criminology on the College of Dhaka – with 10 stitches and momentary reminiscence loss.
A day later, Abu Sayed, one other 23-year-old pupil, was protesting at Begum Rokeya College within the Rangpur district, about 300km (186 miles) north of Dhaka, when he was shot by the police. A video of him, together with his arms outstretched and collapsing on the bottom moments later, went viral, igniting an unprecedented movement in opposition to Hasina, who ruled the nation with an iron fist for greater than 15 years earlier than she was toppled final August.
College students from colleges, faculties, universities and madrassas took to the streets, defying a brutal crackdown. Quickly, the younger protesters had been joined by their dad and mom, lecturers and different residents. Opposition events, together with the Bangladesh Nationalist Social gathering (BNP) and the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, lent essential assist, forming an unlikely united entrance in opposition to Hasina’s authorities.
“Even college students in distant areas got here out in assist. It felt like actual change was coming,” Sokal advised Al Jazeera.
On August 5, 2024, as tens of hundreds of protesters stormed Hasina’s palatial residence and places of work in Dhaka, the 77-year-old chief boarded a army helicopter and fled to neighbouring India, her principal ally, the place she continues to defy a Bangladesh court’s orders to face trial for crimes in opposition to humanity and different expenses.
By the point Hasina fled, greater than 1,400 individuals had been killed, most when government forces fired on protesters, and hundreds of others had been wounded, in accordance with the United Nations.
Three days after Hasina fled, the protesters put in an interim authorities, on August 8, 2024, led by the nation’s solely Nobel laureate, Muhammad Yunus. In Could this 12 months, the interim authorities banned the Awami League from any political exercise till trials over final 12 months’s killings of the protesters concluded. The social gathering’s pupil wing, the Chhatra League, was banned below anti-terrorism legal guidelines in October 2024.
But, as Bangladesh marks the primary anniversary of the tip of Hasina’s authorities on Tuesday, Sokal mentioned the sense of unity and hope that outlined the 2024 rebellion has given method to disillusionment and despair.
“They’re promoting the revolution,” she mentioned, referring to the assorted political teams now jostling for energy forward of general elections anticipated subsequent 12 months.
“The change we fought for stays out of attain,” mentioned added. “The [interim] authorities not owns the rebellion.”
‘What was my son’s sacrifice for?’
Yunus, the 85-year-old Nobel Peace Prize winner presiding over Bangladesh’s democratic overhaul, faces mounting political strain, at the same time as his interim authorities seeks consensus on drafting a brand new structure. Rival factions that marched shoulder to shoulder throughout anti-Hasina protests at the moment are locked in political battles over the way in which ahead for Bangladesh.
On Tuesday, Yunus is anticipated to unveil a so-called July Proclamation, a doc to mark the anniversary of Hasina’s ouster, which is able to define the important thing reforms that his administration argues Bangladesh wants – and a roadmap to attain that.
However not many are hopeful.
“Our youngsters took to the streets for a simply, democratic and sovereign Bangladesh. However that’s not what we’re getting,” mentioned Sanjida Khan Deepti, whose 17-year-old son Anas was shot useless by the police throughout a peaceable march close to Dhaka’s Chankharpul space on August 5, 2024. Witnesses mentioned Anas was unarmed and operating for canopy when a police bullet struck him within the again. He died on the spot, nonetheless clutching a nationwide flag.
“The reforms and justice for the July killings that we had hoped – it’s not duly taking place,” the 36-year-old mom advised Al Jazeera. “We took to the streets for a greater, peaceable and simply nation. If that doesn’t occur, then what was my son’s sacrifice for?”
Others, nevertheless, proceed to carry agency of their belief within the interim authorities.
“No regrets,” mentioned Khokon Chandra Barman, who misplaced virtually his total face after he was shot by the police within the Narayanganj district.
“I’m proud that my sacrifice helped convey down a regime constructed on discrimination,” he advised Al Jazeera.
Barman feels the nation is in higher palms now below the Yunus-led interim authorities. “The outdated evils gained’t disappear in a single day. However we’re hopeful.”
Atikul Gazi agreed. “Yunus sir is succesful and making an attempt his finest,” Gazi advised Al Jazeera on Sunday. “If the political events totally cooperated with him, issues could be even higher.”
The 21-year-old TikToker from Dhaka’s Uttara space survived being shot at point-blank vary on August 5, 2024, however misplaced his left arm.
A selfie video of him smiling, regardless of lacking an arm, posted on September 16 final 12 months, went viral, making him an emblem of resilience.
“I’m not afraid… I’m again within the subject. One hand could also be gone, however my life is able to be supplied anew.”
‘Instability may improve’
Others are much less optimistic. “That was a second of unprecedented unity,” mentioned Mohammad Golam Rabbani, a professor of historical past at Jahangirnagar College on the outskirts of Dhaka.
Rabbani had recited a poem throughout a campus protest on July 29, 2024. Talking at an occasion final month to commemorate the rebellion, he mentioned: “Safeguarding that unity ought to have been the brand new authorities’s first job. However they let it slip.”
The coalition of scholars, professionals and activists, known as College students In opposition to Discrimination, that introduced down Hasina’s authorities, started to fragment even earlier than Yunus took cost.
Hoping to money in on large anti-Awami League sentiment, the principle opposition BNP has been demanding instant elections because the rebellion. However events just like the Nationwide Residents Social gathering, fashioned by pupil leaders of the 2024 protests, and Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami need deeper structural reforms earlier than any vote is held.
To reconcile such calls for, the Yunus administration fashioned a Nationwide Consensus Fee on February 12 this 12 months. Its mandate is to merge a number of reform agendas outlined by knowledgeable panels right into a single political blueprint. Any social gathering or coalition that wins the subsequent common election should formally pledge to implement this constitution.
However to this point, the conferences of the fee have been marked by rifts and dissent, primarily over having a bicameral parliament, adopting proportional illustration in each its homes, and reforming the appointment course of for key constitutional our bodies by curbing the prime minister’s affect to make sure better neutrality and non-partisanship.
“If the political forces fail to agree on reforms, instability may improve,” warned analyst Rezaul Karim Rony.
However Mubashar Hasan, adjunct fellow at Western Sydney College’s Humanitarian and Improvement Analysis Initiative, thinks a political impasse is “unlikely”, and that almost all stakeholders appear to be transferring in the direction of elections subsequent 12 months.
Hasan, nevertheless, stays sceptical of the reforms themselves, calling them a “beauty reset”.
“There’ll be some democratic progress, however not a real shift,” he advised Al Jazeera. He identified that the Awami League, which as soon as represented tens of millions, stays banned – a indisputable fact that some analysts have identified may weaken the credibility of Bangladesh’s electoral democracy.
Deepti, who misplaced her teenage son throughout the protests, mentioned political events are scrambling for energy, and never performing in opposition to the individuals who enabled Hasina’s brutal repression throughout final 12 months’s protests.
“Many of the officers and legislation enforcement members concerned within the violence are nonetheless at giant, whereas political events are extra targeted on grabbing energy,” she advised Al Jazeera.
Sharif Osman Bin Hadi, the spokesman for Inquilab Manch (Revolution Entrance), a non-partisan cultural organisation impressed by the rebellion, warned that elections with out justice and reforms would “push the nation again into the jaws of fascism”.
His group, with greater than 1,000 members in 25 districts, organises poetry readings, exhibitions and avenue performances to commemorate the 2024 rebellion and demand accountability, amid widespread issues over deteriorating legislation and order throughout the nation.
‘A metropolis of demonstrations’
Whereas the police stay discredited and are but to get better from the taint of complicity in perpetuating Hasina’s strong-armed governance, army troopers are seen patrolling Bangladesh’s streets, armed with particular energy to arrest, detain and, in excessive instances, even hearth on these breaking the legislation.
In a latest report, rights group Odhikar mentioned not less than 72 individuals had been killed and 1,677 others injured in incidents of political violence between April and June this 12 months. The group additionally documented eight alleged extrajudicial killings throughout this era involving the police and infamous paramilitary forces just like the Rapid Action Battalion.
Different crimes have additionally surged.
Police recorded 1,587 instances of homicide between January and Could this 12 months, a 25 % rise from the identical interval final 12 months. Theft almost doubled to 318, whereas crimes in opposition to girls and youngsters topped 9,100. Kidnapping and theft have additionally seen a spike.
“Mob justice and focused killings have surged, many with political hyperlinks,” Md Ijajul Islam, the manager director of the nonprofit Human Rights Help Society, advised Al Jazeera. “Except political events rein of their activists, a demoralised police gained’t be capable of comprise it.”
The demoralisation inside the police stems largely from the 2024 rebellion itself, when greater than 500 police stations had been attacked throughout Bangladesh and legislation enforcement officers had been lacking from the streets for greater than every week.
“The pressure needed to restart from a morally-broken state,” Ijajul mentioned.
A number of law enforcement officials Al Jazeera spoke to on the grassroots degree pointed to a different drawback: the collapse of what they known as a casual political order in rural areas.
“Through the Awami League period, police usually labored in tandem with the ruling social gathering leaders, who mediated native disputes,” mentioned a senior police officer on the Roumari police station within the Kurigram district close to the border with India.
“That construction is gone. Now a number of factions – from BNP, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami and others – try to manage markets, transport hubs and authorities tenders,” he mentioned on situation of anonymity as a result of he was not authorised to talk to the media.
In Dhaka, issues are not any higher.
“On daily basis, managing avenue protests has turn into considered one of our main duties,” Talebur Rahman, a deputy commissioner with the Dhaka Metropolitan Police, advised Al Jazeera.
“It looks like Dhaka has turn into ‘a metropolis of demonstrations’ – individuals break into authorities places of work, simply to make their calls for heard,” mentioned Rahman.
Nonetheless, Rahman claimed the town’s legislation and order state of affairs was higher than instantly after the 2024 rebellion. In a televised interview on July 15, Yunus’s spokesperson, Shafiqul Alam, additionally claimed that “in case you think about general statistics, issues are stabilising”, he advised Somoy Tv community, referring to legislation and order in Dhaka.
Alam mentioned that many individuals who had been denied justice for years, together with throughout the rebellion, at the moment are coming ahead to register instances.
Some agree.
“Issues are slowly bettering,” mentioned 38-year-old rickshaw-puller Mohammad Shainur in Dhaka’s upscale Bashundhara neighbourhood.
The economic system, for one, has proven some constructive indicators. Bangladesh is the world’s thirty fifth largest economic system and the second in South Asia – primarily pushed by its thriving garment and agriculture industries.
International reserves climbed from greater than $24bn in Could 2024, to almost $32bn by June this 12 months, helped by a crackdown on illicit capital flight, file remittances and new funding from the Worldwide Financial Fund. Inflation, which peaked at 11.7 % in July 2024, dropped to eight.5 % by June this 12 months.
However there may be additionally widespread joblessness, with the Worldwide Labour Group saying that just about 30 % of Bangladesh’s youth are neither employed nor pursuing schooling. Furthermore, a 20 percent tariff introduced by the US, the biggest purchaser of Bangladesh’s clothes, additionally threatens the livelihood of 4 million staff employed in the important thing sector.
Again in Dhaka, Gazi is set to protect the reminiscence of 2024’s protests.
“Let the individuals bear in mind these martyred within the rebellion, and people of us who had been injured,” he advised Al Jazeera. “We wish to stay as residing symbols of that freedom.”
“I misplaced one hand, and I’ve no regrets. I’ll give my life if wanted – this nation have to be ruled properly, regardless of who holds energy.”
